7 November 1975: Memorizing a Witness
At first, discuss the sensitivity of the subject. November 7 is really a discussion and criticism. Three innocent freedom fighters, namely General Ziaur Rahman Bir Uttam, Brigadier (or Major General) Khaled Mosharraf Bir Uttam and Colonel Abu Taher Bir came to the center of good discussion. There is more emphasis in the neck, more emphasis in publicity, weak in reality, those who speak out against Ziaur Rahman. I protested. Three are our honorable persons; We have to discuss with respect. In describing the context, I am giving this paragraph. Then go to the main event. On November 7, 1975, many officers were killed, who was their killer? Most of the assassins of the Jasdeepanti Sainik organization or JSD? Who is the commander of the killers? Answer, in this column I can not elaborate, but understand the reader. Failure on 7 November, Jasad, led by Colonel Taher, wanted to make a soldier revolution again. Again, he started organizing soldiers inside the cantonment, to overthrow Ziaur Rahman. Jasad was involved in the politics of the soldiers. In the two installments before 7 November and 7 November, the process of inserting politics into army soldiers was a seditious crime. After November 7th, it was considered more dangerous than previous efforts. Jasad's bad deeds were noticeable for the next five years, for thirty-four years. In the era of President Ziaur Rahman, the failure of the army's coups or the rise of the Air Force, with each, the unmanned social system and the unmanned military system of education taught by Jasad with the mantra of the unarmed military system. The practice of killing the officers was instituted on November 7, and its culmination came in February 2009 to Pilkhana of Dhaka City. In 1977, the officer of the army officer was killed in the failed insurrection in Bogra. Many Air Force officers were killed in 1977, in the revolt of Bangladesh Air force soldiers failed in Dhaka. In order to suppress every failed rebellion, the Bangladesh army has to perform duties, be ordered. After 1975, after the bloody history of the next five years, fueled 1975. 57 officers killed in Peelkhana have been killed, whose mystery has not been satisfactorily yet. If the Jatiya revolutionaries, soldiers or ordinary citizens of November 7, 1975, were successful in the revolution, then what would the Bangladesh army be doing, what would the Bangladesh government have and what would be the independence of Bangladesh? The discussion is difficult, the answer is more difficult. I myself do not know everything, I am curious to know, to invite others to know. In this context, I would like to read some of the following paragraphs.
On November 7, 1975, the soldiers of the Bangladesh Army performed a revolution; The people of Dhaka city were greatly involved in that revolution. The usual question, why this revolution was accomplished on 7th? The 7th revolution is not hidden behind the events of only four days or four months; Rather, the reasons for the 7th revolution are hidden from 7 November 1975 to 3 years behind 10 years of events. In the last eight-nine years, newspapers and televised words are written in such a way, or it is said that "Ziaur Rahman has captured power only after the good rebellion and no other thing happened in Bangladesh!" With deliberate hostility. I call upon all, from 1972 to 75, what was the situation of Bangladesh during this period, what was the advantages and disadvantages of governance and politics, what was the indigenous and foreign conspiracy? Only then will the significance of 7 November be understood.
For the establishment of an independent Bangladesh, undoubtedly, the chief architect was Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. At the end of the day of 25 March 1971, he was arrested at midnight. There is a lack of his public role. But the liberation war was conducted in the name of Bangabandhu --- that is the reality. Because, there was no alternative to Bangabandhu. After 10 January, there was a lot of difficult questions in front of Bangabandhu. A difficult question was this: The new government of Bangladesh will be the only Awami League party or will there be a combination of all the political parties on behalf of the Liberation War? Bangabandhu Awami League decided on behalf of the party government. But those who disagreed with this decision of Bangabandhu went to the field of politics and they created Jaasad. One of the four principles of Bangabandhu Government was socialism; Jasad refines this and creates their policy: 'Scientific Socialism' Jasad has borne the book; I am applying to read an interested reader. There is also a long chapter in my own book 'Mixed Speech', November 1975.
Discuss the link between the political party Jasd and the secret military organization. In the end of 1972 and 1973, Jasad was involved in a bloody movement against the then government in Dhaka city. On the other hand, the police and national security forces of the government are engaged in harsh operations against Jasad activists and supporters. In this context, JSD was self-criticized. Jaasad thought that if the army officially or a few soldiers informally did not cooperate with JSD, the Bangabandhu government could not be removed. So the decision is to find friends inside the cantonment. About 1972-73-74. New Bangladesh Army. It is true that those who came back from Pakistan and those who had fought for the liberation war jointly unitedly formed the army, it was also true that there was strong process of repression and mental repression. Some freedom fighters and ammunition soldiers were very angry about the rules governing the country, the current situation, especially the crime and nepotism. They want to change the existing Awami League government. They want the socialist and working people's government. They want an armyless army and want a classless society. They secretly organized themselves secretly. The name is known as the Secret Soldier Organization. Subadar-Naib Subedar-Habildar-Naik-Sainik etc., the rankers of various ranks continued their activities secretly. Some retired soldiers assisted with help. After a few days, think, after a year, the secret army organization thought that it is not possible to change them alone by government. They need their political friends. Therefore, the search for friends in the political arena outside the cantonment started. In this way, the establishment of friendship and friendship between the JSD and the secret military organization was created.
Honorable and famous, discussed and critically named freedom fighter and political personality, in line with Colonel Taher, we are talking two lines. Colonel Abu Taher Bir Uttam was a sector commander of the liberation war in Amit Sahas; He lost his leg in the battlefield. Was a person of exceptional thought and after the war Bangabandhu criticized the government directly or indirectly. Taher has left the job. Taher joined the zealously like a tiger like Jassade Abu Taher got Bir Uttam, Jasad's struggling thinking, and the exceptional tension came. The decision is that the Gana Bahini will be created. Alternative or parallel to the military and the armed forces. The creation of the Janmahini is due to the fact that Jasd gets power in the field after coming to power and after coming to power. Colonel Abu Taher, Bir Uttam, who was closely associated with Jasdas, and the special forces of the mass movement. Hasanul Huq Inu was his close colleague and senior leader. Friendship between the people's army and the secret forces organization was strengthened. Both the targets are just one, the Awami League, the BAKSAL government. As they were unable to find any way to change the government in constitutional way, JSD, JSD and secret military organization decided that only one road to political change in Bangladesh should be adopted, though Ray's name is Revolution or Bloody Revolution.
The topic of the link between the events of 15 August 1975 and 3 November 1975 was not what it was. Jaasad was not ready for the August 15, 1975 incident. The main hero of the incident Khandaker Mushtaq and some Major or Lieutenant Colonel After the success of August 15, the Major resided in Bangabhaban and did not want to return to the cantonment and join the main responsibility. Those senior officers from them thought that it was a serious disorder. Regardless of any rules, the rebel Major will be brought back to the cantonment. On 24 August 1975, the head of the new army was Major General Ziaur Rahman Bir Uttam. When these statements were presented to Zia, he listened patiently but was taking time to solve. Other senior officers became restless and impatient. Being restless and impatient, they became a group under the leadership of Brig. Khaled Mosharraf Bir Uttam. Colonel Shafayat Jamil, commander of the 46 Infantry Brigade, came forward with the help of Bir Bikram Khaled. Khaled Mosharraf also had his own charisma, as Ziaur Rahman was a charismatic warrior and leader, though there was a great difference between the two. The honorable Khaled Mosharraf and his companions decided to make a cou-de-ta or senipilabhabe. On November 3, 1975, every revolution took place (counter count) against 15 August. Ziaur Rahman was detained at the cantonment house, the post of army chief was ousted. Two days later, Khaled Mosharraf Bir Uttam became the Major General with the promotion and became the army chief. On 6th evening, the new chief was appointed by the then Chief Justice Abu Sayem.
Four points in any discussion of this topic are notable. The first. Khaled Mosharraf's brother and mother made a procession in Dhaka city and said such things that all of them took up the Senapati Babar on 3 rd; Awami League has been reinstated for power. Within the Dhaka Cantonment, officers and soldiers of the idea spread widely that the honorable Khaled Mosharraf and his companions welcomed India's work and India's work. Second. At the same time, four national leaders of Bangabandhu, the legendary leader of the War of Liberation were killed in the Dhaka Central Jail on 3 rd. Immediate thinking started who killed, who helped kill, who was benefited after the murder? Third. All the ordinary soldiers said that capturing Ziaur Rahman's ouster is very wrong and wants to be asked. They continued to express their mental agitation. Fourth and last. In the case of November 3, 1975, JSD and secret military organization themselves became politically abusive. Jaasad saw that the government was changing twice, but the representative of the bourgeois capitalist power would be in power. So, before something new happens, we have to do something.
It is necessary to talk about that revolution and horrific night. Jaasad and the secret military company decided at the speed of lightning, to revolt. He preached that the officer should be killed because the officers believe in traditional discipline and rules. Meanwhile, in prison, Ziaur Rahman thought that to protect Bangladesh, the first task is to get rid of captivity. At the same time, Jasad felt that Ziaur Rahman should be freed and Ziaur Rahman's image should be used. At the end of November 6, 1975, according to the International Rule 7, the revolution started at midnight 12:01 am. Office of the officers were attacked in the office, office office. Many are killed. Women (doctor) officers were killed or humiliated. In order to disobey the officers, to call or kill, publicly called Mike. Apart from the provocative campaigns of JSD, there were some more corrective reasons for being angry about the officers against the officers, which I did not write here.
What did I personally decide on that gruesome night? I mean Major Abraham of November 1, 1975. Many officers who ran on the road, looked for security; Outgoing villages around the cantonment, paddy fields, colony etc. I myself, the Battalion of the Bengal Regiment that was born in 1970 and with whom I had fought for 9 months, I joined the second Bengal Regiment - at 12:30 in the night. Second Bengal soldiers did not kill me, did not insult them, but instead led them to their call and guided them safely in the bright path of revolutionary revolution. Second East Bengal soldiers loved Ziaur Rahman. I led them up to 6:30 in the morning. I was with only two officers, namely Captain Kamrul Islam Chowdhury and Captain Enamul Haque; They both were appointed to the second Bengal after returning from Pakistan.
The dark night is enlightened. Many units of the Dhaka Cantonment or Regiment or Battalion, where the secret troops were active, came down on the streets of cantonment on dark night. It can not be understood by any word in Bangla that the noise of gunshots coming out of thousands of weapons. Thousands of general soldiers also came out with the jawans' soldiers. Many soldiers went to General Zia's house and released him. Zia again took charge of the army Jasdeepant soldiers and ordinary soldiers were confronted at different places of cantonment. There was unimaginable alarming situation in the powerless cantonment. Now, in the 2017 environment, it was impossible to describe what was that night of 1975?
The situation of Bangabhaban that night. A large group of general soldiers surrounded Bangabhaban. The soldiers who guarded the Bangabhaban since the November 3 coup also changed loyalty to the common soldiers. Khaled Mosharraf, who lives in Bangabhaban, Bir Uttam Mahodaya and his senior companions, left Bangabhaban secretly or in disguise, to save lives. Colonel Shafayet Jamil left for Munshiganj, General Khaled Mosharraf, Colonel Khandaker Nazmul Huda and Lt Col ATM Haider took three initiatives to get away from Dhaka. Stray signal. At the speed of the speed, the speed of the vehicle turned, and the freedom fighter found refuge in Tenth East Bengal Regiment located in Sher-e-Banglanagar city of Dhaka city. These three officers and tenth Bengal did not have any devotion and sincerity. But in the Battalion, the rival campaign against these three freedom fighters had already happened. After a while, they were killed in the battalion. The mystery of this tragic murder case has not yet been fully exposed.
In the conclusion of this column, we will discuss Zia's role in relation to the passage of the internal crisis. The soldiers from the limited range of Dhaka Cantonment spread on the streets of Dhaka city by 4-5am. Before the sun-rise, thousands of ordinary citizens became interested in praising the soldiers, favoring Bangladesh and giving Ziaur Rahman's favor in favor of soldiers in the soldiers' carriage. With the favor of the common people, Bangladesh, Bangladesh Army and Ziaur Rahman, they kept the streets of Dhaka metropolis by overflowing their love and loyalty. Jasad considered the main weapon for that revolution, Ziaur Rahman. When Ziaur Rahman was not able to gain control or control, Jaasad became utterly uncomfortable, he became confused. But already Jasdeepant soldiers, who were hiding so far, have been identified by ordinary soldiers. Many officers have been killed, office courts have been tortured, the bodies were damaged by the firing, the responsibility of the Jasadipanti soldiers was over. On the other hand, the Jasdeepant soldiers, political parties, became frustrated and angry for the failure of JSD. Those former army officers who were involved in Jasade or who were a few serving army officers, were co-workers to Jasad, they fell into dire straits. Jasad-panthi, who left the left revolutionary revolution? General soldiers and civilians had failed. Friendship and solidarity established between the soldiers and the citizens was unprecedented, this was the only example during the liberation war. So, on November 7, a name is National Integration and Revolution Day. Bangladesh's independence was saved. Ziaur Rahman again brought army discipline and chain of command back. The anarchists are moderate, interference or interference from outside the country, freedom is protected. The government structure led by Zia and the people have protected the country's independence. So Zia is the ultimate enemy of the Nazi revolutionaries of November 7. Zia is no more in the world, but on November 7 many of the revolutionaries are there.